Published in El Punt Avui newspaper on 2 February 2020
http://www.elpuntavui.cat/politica/article/17-politica/1733454-ara-ve-la-part-mes-dificil-del-brexit.html
PROFILE
A diplomat from 1972 to 2013, Ferdinando Nelli was Permanent Representative of Italy to the European Union in Brussels (2008-13), Chief of Staff (2006-08) and Director General for European Integration (2004-06) at the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Previously, he served in New York at the UN, in Algiers, Paris and Beijing. European Comissioner in 2014. Formerly a Fellow at the Center for International Affairs, Harvard University (1985-86), he is currently a professor at the School of Government of LUISS, Rome, and the president of the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI). He is the author of many articles and essays on international relations, European affairs and political affairs.
Mr. Nelli attended the seminar "War and peace in the 21st century: A world of two or three? The US, China and the EU in a new global order", held in Barcelona on January 18, 2020
Headlines
"Paradoxically,
and despite all the problems that it provoked in the UK, the easiest
part of Brexit will be over on January 31stwith the entry into force
of the Withdrawal Agreement. But
now the most challenging part of Brexit is ahead of us"
"A
good agreement with the UK, that should include not only trade and
economic relations, but also security, foreign policy and defence,
could help reduce the negative impact of Brexit"
"The
EU should be able to exploit other successful common policies (like
trade, environment, climate, energy, cyber-security) to improve and
increase its role in the international scene."
"China does
not represent for the time being a direct threat to our security. But
there is no doubt that it is increasingly utilizing its economic
weight to exercise political influence, as demonstrated by the Belt
and Road Initiative"
Full version
A.B. - The UK is no longer an EU member. What will be the Brexit consequences for the EU? Is Brexit an opportunity for the EU to reinforce itself?
F.N. - Paradoxically,
and despite all the problems that it provoked in the UK, the easiest
part of Brexit will be over on January 31stwith the entry into force
of the Withdrawal Agreement. But now the most challenging part of
Brexit is ahead of us. The EU and the UK will have to agree on a new
framework for their bilateral relations, once the UK will have become
a third country (even though a very special third country).
If they will be capable of defining a comprehensive agreement that will constitute a solid basis for a friendly and collaborative relation, it will be possible to overcome all the negative consequences of Brexit. In a word I can hardly imagine Brexit as an opportunity for the EU. But at least there is a possibility for an effective “damage containment operation”. A good agreement with the UK, that should include not only trade and economic relations, but also security, foreign policy and defence, could help reduce the negative impact of Brexit.
If they will be capable of defining a comprehensive agreement that will constitute a solid basis for a friendly and collaborative relation, it will be possible to overcome all the negative consequences of Brexit. In a word I can hardly imagine Brexit as an opportunity for the EU. But at least there is a possibility for an effective “damage containment operation”. A good agreement with the UK, that should include not only trade and economic relations, but also security, foreign policy and defence, could help reduce the negative impact of Brexit.
A.B. - In your speech at Cidob's seminar you talked about an "underperforming EU". What internal reforms do you think the EU should undertake to become a major global power?
F.N. - The
EU should improve the governance of its foreign and security policy
through a more systematic use of the flexibility clauses that already
exist, and through a more frequent use of the principle of
differentiated integration (which would allow the involvement of
limited groups of member States in specific initiatives or
operations). The EU should also intensify the efforts already
undertaken to develop, in cooperation with NATO, a credible common
defence policy, and a credible common military capability for the
management of regional crisis.
In the longer term it should also be possible to review the rule of unanimity for decisions in foreign policy. But more generally the EU should be able to exploit other successful common policies (like trade, environment, climate, energy, cyber-security) to improve and increase its role in the international scene.
In the longer term it should also be possible to review the rule of unanimity for decisions in foreign policy. But more generally the EU should be able to exploit other successful common policies (like trade, environment, climate, energy, cyber-security) to improve and increase its role in the international scene.
A.B. - The European members are divided in their stance towards China and Russia. What approach would be more advisable? A more competitive or a more cooperative one?
F.N. - China
and Russia are important players in the international scene with
different characteristics. China is close to become the first
economic power world wide, but still maintains certain aspects of a
developing country. It does not represent for the time being a direct
threat to our security. But there is no doubt that it is increasingly
utilizing its economic weight to exercise political influence, as
demonstrated by the Belt and Road Initiative.
Russia is economically relatively weak . But it has heavily invested in its military instruments, thus being able to play a role in world affair well beyond its economic dimension. It has recently violated fundamental rules of international law (first in in Georgia and late in Ukraine). But it has become a fundamental interlocutor for the search of solutions of some delicate regional crisis in the Mediterranean (like in Syria and in Libya).
With respect to both, China and Russia, the EU would a direct interests in trying to define a common position. But unfortunately this is proving not easy. Russia continues to be a very divisive subject among Europeans, for reasons that have to do with history, geography and economic interests. And China has so far been successful in its efforts to deal with individual member states on the basis of bilateral relations. A common European approach based on an appropriate mix of cooperation and competition is probably the best way to proceed in dealing with China and Russia.
Russia is economically relatively weak . But it has heavily invested in its military instruments, thus being able to play a role in world affair well beyond its economic dimension. It has recently violated fundamental rules of international law (first in in Georgia and late in Ukraine). But it has become a fundamental interlocutor for the search of solutions of some delicate regional crisis in the Mediterranean (like in Syria and in Libya).
With respect to both, China and Russia, the EU would a direct interests in trying to define a common position. But unfortunately this is proving not easy. Russia continues to be a very divisive subject among Europeans, for reasons that have to do with history, geography and economic interests. And China has so far been successful in its efforts to deal with individual member states on the basis of bilateral relations. A common European approach based on an appropriate mix of cooperation and competition is probably the best way to proceed in dealing with China and Russia.
